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well I am glad someone's not yawning :-)
I wish I knew how many poll responders were USian and how many Eurovian.
I wonder if more people in Euroland know about the failed coup of 1933 than people in the US where it happened :-) The difference between theory and practise in practise ...
Truth by obscurity, eh? "The basis of optimism is sheer terror" - Oscar Wilde
The results of the poll (and the diary itself) might be more interesting at dKos, maybe? Un roi sans divertissement est un homme plein de misères
I'm Yurpeen and knew about this. I also knew (something) about big US corporate involvement in Nazi Germany. I haven't read, but have just ordered, Trading With the Enemy by Charles Higham, and Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler by Antony C Sutton. (From Abebooks, both are out of print).
Sutton also wrote a book on Wall St and the Bolsheviks, in which he apparently showed similar investment in the Soviet Union - the thesis being that the corporate future was seen to lie in being comfortably ensconced in totalitarian systems of whatever bent. Yet a strong impression I get from the time is that monied interests (not only in the US) saw the Nazis as a bulwark against the Reds. No doubt a major subject there for a good historian.
But note also we had our very own near-coup(s) in the UK.
While we spend our time pretending that our votes matter, the reality is that this is Democracy In Name Only. The people who can be elected are fixed around the policies, and the key parts of the policies aren't up for debate.
If a democratic result appears to threaten the status quo, it's either subtly sidelined, buried under propaganda, or stopped by force.
I had heard of that one before, but I was not surprised [after all, a lot of the Anglamerican political class was in love with Hitler in the 1930's - including the King of England!] nor did I think it was too useful to focus on it (paging Godwin).
This, howecer:
While we spend our time pretending that our votes matter, the reality is that this is Democracy In Name Only. The people who can be elected are fixed around the policies, and the key parts of the policies aren't up for debate. If a democratic result appears to threaten the status quo, it's either subtly sidelined, buried under propaganda, or stopped by force.
It always seems naive to me to believe that this sort of thing is outside of the realm of possibility in this day and age.
All it takes is a dedicated group of sociopaths to start something that's far larger than themselves. And I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage-Billy Bragg
For the past 30 years rumours that the security services were plotting against the Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson and that preparations were being made for a coup have been dismissed as a paranoid fantasy. The general tenor of press comment has been that Wilson was already in the grip of the Alzheimer's disease that eventually killed him when he made his allegations of a plot against him. But a recent BBC documentary has confirmed that the security services, top military figures, leading businessmen and members of the royal family were conspiring against Labour governments led by Wilson in the 1960s and 1970s. The programme was broadcast on March 16 to coincide with the anniversary of Wilson's resignation in 1976. It was based on interviews that BBC journalists Barry Penrose and Roger Courtiour conducted with Wilson and his private secretary Marcia Williams shortly after he resigned. The tapes were made secretly and have never before been broadcast or made public. Despite their considerable historical value, they have remained in Penrose's attic ever since. Only a small portion of more than 70 hours of recording were dramatised in the documentary. Various rumours were circulated to explain Wilson's sudden resignation--as the result of threats by the security services to reveal evidence that he was a Soviet agent, that he had compromised himself by having an affair with Marcia Williams, or more prosaically that early stages of Alzheimer's disease had convinced him that it was time to go. But the documentary made clear that Wilson wanted to expose those who were seeking to discredit him and wanted the activities of the security services investigated. He invited Penrose and Courtiour to his house with the specific intention of telling them about his suspicions and gave them valuable leads that would enable them to pursue their inquiries. Far from being afraid of exposure, Wilson wanted the case brought out into the open.
The programme was broadcast on March 16 to coincide with the anniversary of Wilson's resignation in 1976. It was based on interviews that BBC journalists Barry Penrose and Roger Courtiour conducted with Wilson and his private secretary Marcia Williams shortly after he resigned. The tapes were made secretly and have never before been broadcast or made public. Despite their considerable historical value, they have remained in Penrose's attic ever since. Only a small portion of more than 70 hours of recording were dramatised in the documentary.
Various rumours were circulated to explain Wilson's sudden resignation--as the result of threats by the security services to reveal evidence that he was a Soviet agent, that he had compromised himself by having an affair with Marcia Williams, or more prosaically that early stages of Alzheimer's disease had convinced him that it was time to go. But the documentary made clear that Wilson wanted to expose those who were seeking to discredit him and wanted the activities of the security services investigated. He invited Penrose and Courtiour to his house with the specific intention of telling them about his suspicions and gave them valuable leads that would enable them to pursue their inquiries. Far from being afraid of exposure, Wilson wanted the case brought out into the open.
The Spanish Wikipedia says:
Yo no quiero que el sistema democrático de convivencia sea, una vez más, un paréntesis en la Historia de España.
I do not want the democratic system of convivality to be, once again, a parenthesis in the history of Spain.
Now consider the effect that the pasalo demostrations had on tempering any nascent belief that elections following major terrorist attack were secondary to national security on the part of Aznar.
If Calle Genova had not been filled that Saturday night, would Aznar have felt more able to postpone the elections until a later date.
Remember that the municipal elections being held in New York City on September 11th were postponed due to the attacks. So even in a much longer established democracy than Spain, this is not entirely without precedent. And I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage-Billy Bragg
Callaghan's appalling term led directly to Thatcher, and now here we are, some thirty years later.
Carter's hostage-crisis set-up was also a very calculated and deliberate election fixer for Reagan, and even though entirely treasonous it worked perfectly.
I'm not suggesting Callaghan was a plant or that Wilson was a perfect shining example of the British Left.
But Wilson was the last PM who could seriously be considered even slightly on the Left, if only because he had more than a token reluctant interest in running the economy in a way that distributed wealth rather than concentrating it.
Since then power has been shared between the far-right and the centre-right, both of whom have been happy to continue with tax cuts, deregulation, privatisation, and wealth concentration.
As I said above, there has been no democractic choice about this, and no formal or organised democratic opposition to it.
I suppose you could argue that this reflects what the public wants. But I don't think the public is really all that enthusiastic about cuts in health care, affordable housing, or public transport. And the only reason it hasn't given oppressive white collar working practices a firm thumbs down is because there's an endless drumbeat of pro-market 'the economy needs...' which has made alternatives unthinkable.
What's important is that because society is a living breathing thing greater than its constituent parts, and not like the mechanistic conception put forward by classical liberals, things have a way of working out on their own.
It's Polayni's double movement, the problem is that these things take time. It may take 50-60 years for events to reach a breaking point at which the continuation of the neo-liberal status quo is unsustainable.
We seem to be rushing towards that point, but there hasn't yet be a traumatic break. A Great Depression scale event that creates a period of uncertainty as the old solutions are shown ineffective. So in order to instill certainty, new ideas are needed. And once those ideas provide stability, they become entrenched, because challenging them means introducing uncertainty back into the system. And I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage-Billy Bragg
I think we are awash in the currents of history, and the belief that through agenct we may change its course is naive.
As much as we impose the futile forms our philosophy grants us on what we see, we still remain blissfully ignorant as Plato's men in the cave supposing that the forms we derive are in some way truth. And I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage-Billy Bragg
I think we have limited tools to think about thousand, million or indeed billion agents. This leeds to simplified stories of either the "world leaders" wrestling it out - Churchill vs. Hitler, Bush vs. bin Laden - or giving agency to groups of people and viewing them as one person - England vs. Germany, US vs. UUSR, Republican party vs. Democrat party, CocaCola vs. Pepsi. Neither gives us tools to understand how we change the world, but we do, all the time. The world change, and it is the actions of people that makes the changes.
I think what is needed is tools to see our own actions in the larger picture. We do not need to be persons of power to affect change, indeed we do it all the time. To choose for ourselves what change we will affect, we need to see and evaluate our own positions and possibilities in the structures. And then act accordingly. Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
More interesting than DKos would be to know about the poll over at progressive historians. Can the last politician to go out the revolving door please turn the lights off?
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