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Kosovo or Kosova, it's still our problem The three Kosovos. Declaration of independence and flag under the aegis of the "geopolitically-correct". Political dependency on the West but infrastructures dependent on Serbia. The many hotheads. The organised-crime trafficking. Kosova will become more and more a problem of ours. (...) It's certain that from now on Kosova will become more and more a problem of ours. A European problem, an Italian problem. Our soldiers are in the front line, in the NATO framework. And the notorious criminal traffickings that from Asia reach into our country crossing through that Balkanic territory will become even less controllable than before, in the new geopolitical and institutional context. But as usual, we turn up at the appointment-date unprepared, with no real idea what to do. We shall recognise Kosova so as to maintain our little niche in the Contact Group, pretending we count as much as the other Euroatlantic partners. To do what?
The three Kosovos. Declaration of independence and flag under the aegis of the "geopolitically-correct". Political dependency on the West but infrastructures dependent on Serbia. The many hotheads. The organised-crime trafficking. Kosova will become more and more a problem of ours.
(...) It's certain that from now on Kosova will become more and more a problem of ours. A European problem, an Italian problem. Our soldiers are in the front line, in the NATO framework. And the notorious criminal traffickings that from Asia reach into our country crossing through that Balkanic territory will become even less controllable than before, in the new geopolitical and institutional context. But as usual, we turn up at the appointment-date unprepared, with no real idea what to do. We shall recognise Kosova so as to maintain our little niche in the Contact Group, pretending we count as much as the other Euroatlantic partners. To do what?
The Problems of Independent Kosovo An independent Kosovo immediately brings two issues into the field, one at local level and the other in the international sphere. At the local level, the problem is the fate of the approximately 120 thousand Serbs who decided to remain in the Albanian-majority province after the Kosovo war. They are concentrated above all in northern Kosovo along the border with Serbia and in the area of the city of Mitrovica, divided between Serbians and Albanians along the Ibar river, which is readying itself to become a new Berlin. But one must not overlook the Serbian enclaves around the many orthodox monasteries, often located along strategic routes for the illegal traffickings that constitute the main item in Kosovo's economy. One of these cases is that of the monastery of Decani. In Kosovo the armed groups linked to the various clans are still active, and on both sides various paramilitary militias are in training. Another crucial point is the situation in the Presevo valley, which is outside Kosovo, in Serbia, but is populated by Albanians who have close ties both with the Kosovars and with the Albanian minority in Macedonia. The Albanians of Albania are more detatched, although Northern Albania, being inhabited by the same Kosovar-Albanian ethnic group, could come into the orbit of more-advanced Kosovo. In the international sphere Serbia can count on the support of Russia, which on the one hand is taking advantage of the issue to extend its influence into the former-Yugoslavia area and on the other is threatening to recognise the self-proclaimed independence of the Russian enclaves in the former Soviet space, headed by Abkhazia and South Ossetia. On the other front, Kosovo can count on the support of the United States and of the European countries that host large Kosovar communities (Great Britain, Austria, Switzerland, Germany). The four "big powers" Italy, France, Germany and Great Britain intend to recognise the new State, unlike other European countries such as Spain and Greece, worried about their own independence movements. Kosovo's independence would in fact set a precedent favorable to independence movements all over the world.
An independent Kosovo immediately brings two issues into the field, one at local level and the other in the international sphere.
At the local level, the problem is the fate of the approximately 120 thousand Serbs who decided to remain in the Albanian-majority province after the Kosovo war. They are concentrated above all in northern Kosovo along the border with Serbia and in the area of the city of Mitrovica, divided between Serbians and Albanians along the Ibar river, which is readying itself to become a new Berlin.
But one must not overlook the Serbian enclaves around the many orthodox monasteries, often located along strategic routes for the illegal traffickings that constitute the main item in Kosovo's economy. One of these cases is that of the monastery of Decani.
In Kosovo the armed groups linked to the various clans are still active, and on both sides various paramilitary militias are in training.
Another crucial point is the situation in the Presevo valley, which is outside Kosovo, in Serbia, but is populated by Albanians who have close ties both with the Kosovars and with the Albanian minority in Macedonia. The Albanians of Albania are more detatched, although Northern Albania, being inhabited by the same Kosovar-Albanian ethnic group, could come into the orbit of more-advanced Kosovo.
In the international sphere Serbia can count on the support of Russia, which on the one hand is taking advantage of the issue to extend its influence into the former-Yugoslavia area and on the other is threatening to recognise the self-proclaimed independence of the Russian enclaves in the former Soviet space, headed by Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
On the other front, Kosovo can count on the support of the United States and of the European countries that host large Kosovar communities (Great Britain, Austria, Switzerland, Germany). The four "big powers" Italy, France, Germany and Great Britain intend to recognise the new State, unlike other European countries such as Spain and Greece, worried about their own independence movements. Kosovo's independence would in fact set a precedent favorable to independence movements all over the world.
Her argument about why Kosovo's Serbs should not in turn form a separate entity could just as well be invoked against Kosovan independence itself:
Organised disobedience and attempts to revise borders along ethnic lines - in effect, partition - in a region full of "ethnic" pockets, could easily lead to a domino effect. One need not look as far as India and Pakistan to see the consequences of such attempts. We saw what happened in Bosnia in the 1990s. Europe cannot afford a repeat.
Mini had a very ironic article up yesterday on Kosovo independance, February 17th, on page 13 of the Repubblica (not on line). It's well worth a read, or a meditation.
Limes also has an English edition, Heartland, but has very little on line.
Here's the quote, The Significance of Plame.
Here's his tongue in cheek piece on Kosovo yesterday. Slap me with unfair use and enjoy.
La Repubblica 2008.02.17, pagine 13
the reason why one may forget to read italian-based strategic thinkers is behaviours like this (from Dedefensa, again not in english). when things like this are an everyday event in your own country, you don't go seek them elsewhere; you try escape from them. ("you" here means many people, including me). Don't you appreciate the depth of studien-von-zeitfragen?
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