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For a political war to be pursued, there needs to be a new movement. When I hear Wagenknecht spouting these Germanic commonplaces, or Mélenchon playing ego-games with the journalists, I can't help but see that these alternative, "real" left parties are not going to cut it. Their analysis is half-baked and their communication, as a result, confused.
I don't mean that I was kinda expecting them to lead the way, but the cluelessness is awesome.
Then, after they have their attention, start undermining the hard money view. Point out that the Old Testament in several places advocates Jubilees and that when Jesus said "Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors" he was talking about money as well as other aspects of personal behavior. Ask them how, when the dragon has ALL the wealth, including theirs, in his hoard are the rest to get by, especially in old age. Ask why, if jobs, benefits and pensions are the first thing Greeks and Portuguese are asked to sacrifice, their own jobs, benefits and pensions will not follow suit after Greece and Portugal have been sucked dry. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
You need to face the situation as it is and not like you want it to be. Hard money is a genuine national consensus in Germany. No likely government will have the votes to go against it.
The possible options are hard money or no Euro.
Right. Finance is the brain [tumour] of the economy
the hard money loonies (such as the AfD and others) are for no Euro
Well, yeah, because they see the Euro as soft money.
See "hard-left leader says government is overheating printing press".
These proposals, when fully implemented, will not only enforce a permanent regime of fiscal austerity, but also further remove macroeconomic policy from democratic control. For these reasons they need to be vigorously fought right across Europe. But if readers in the UK imagine that they are not affected, since we are not in the Eurozone, they need to think again, for the structural deficit has also become the preferred fiscal target of Chancellor Osborne, backed by the Office of Budget Responsibility. While the most influential economic think tanks, the Institute for Fiscal Studies and the National Institute for Economic and Social research, have begun to challenge the Coalition's austerity policies, they have not as yet repudiated the use of the structural deficit as a fiscal target. So what exactly is the structural deficit, and why is it such a danger? ... What lies behind this extraordinary restriction to be placed on the democratic right of national parliaments to determine fiscal policy? In essence, it is the politics of depoliticisation. European business and political élites want to avoid any return to `Keynesian' active macroeconomic management, which they see as inherently liable to capture by popular interests. During the neoliberal era, they have therefore increasingly sought to insulate economic policy decisions from democratic control, by handing over monetary policy to independent central banks; subordinating spending departments to Treasury / Finance Ministry control; and imposing fiscal targets. This drive has been supported by a wide-ranging ideological offensive, centred on the supposed virtues of `efficient' markets, supply-side competitiveness measures, flexible labour markets, tax cuts for the rich, privatisation, and free movement across borders of trade and capital (but not labour). In Britain, mainstream political scientists have framed these changes in the wider narrative of public choice between market and state as modes of economic regulation, on which distinct `varieties of capitalism' have evolved. They assume that there is broad agreement on all sides as to society's core values and goals, and that the choice of a given variety (with specified policy institutional and practices) is made on the basis of their effectiveness. `Depoliticisation', in this narrative, is about a shift from state to market.
...
What lies behind this extraordinary restriction to be placed on the democratic right of national parliaments to determine fiscal policy? In essence, it is the politics of depoliticisation. European business and political élites want to avoid any return to `Keynesian' active macroeconomic management, which they see as inherently liable to capture by popular interests. During the neoliberal era, they have therefore increasingly sought to insulate economic policy decisions from democratic control, by handing over monetary policy to independent central banks; subordinating spending departments to Treasury / Finance Ministry control; and imposing fiscal targets. This drive has been supported by a wide-ranging ideological offensive, centred on the supposed virtues of `efficient' markets, supply-side competitiveness measures, flexible labour markets, tax cuts for the rich, privatisation, and free movement across borders of trade and capital (but not labour).
In Britain, mainstream political scientists have framed these changes in the wider narrative of public choice between market and state as modes of economic regulation, on which distinct `varieties of capitalism' have evolved. They assume that there is broad agreement on all sides as to society's core values and goals, and that the choice of a given variety (with specified policy institutional and practices) is made on the basis of their effectiveness. `Depoliticisation', in this narrative, is about a shift from state to market.
The Left already does a tax the rich campaign.
But since the need to rein in tax competition is close to a national consensus in Germany there isn't much to gain from it electorally. Finance is the brain [tumour] of the economy
In his Spiegel Online column, Wolfgang Münchau says the rise in European unemployent is a totally unsurprising consequence of the austerity policy. What is surprising, however, is the complete inability by Social Democrats, in Germany and elsewhere, to attack conservative governments over the rise in unemployment. He says the reason is an abandonment of macroeconomics in the politics of the left (the right has abandoned macro a long time ago). Now that we have entered into a massive macroeconomic crisis, the SPD is lost for words to attack those who are responsible for this calamity, notable Angela Merkel and her austerity policy. Münchau was particularly scathing about Gerhard Schröder's interview in Spiegel this week, in which he lauded Merkel's crisis policies.
In the first instalment of a four-part series on the election platforms of the main political parties in Germany, Wolfgang Munchau expressed disappointment about the SPD's platform, and criticises the almost exclusive emphasis on financial sector reform to the exclusion of everything else. For once, the proposed reforms do not even address the main financial sector problem - that of undercapitalised banks. But what is really disturbing to Munchau is that this once Keynesian party has now fully bought in to the neo-classical policy consensus in Germany, and accepts further fiscal retrenchment without any discussion. The SPD thus offers no macroeconomic alternative policies at all. He says those who support Angela Merkel have no reason to fear Peer Steinbruck. But those who do not, have no reason have no reason to vote for him either.
Laut dem Programm der Grünen ist die Krise keineswegs das Resultat unverantwortlicher Haushaltspolitik im Süden, sondern eine Konsequenz von Kapitalströmen, die sich aus gesamtwirtschaftlichen Ungleichgewichten ergeben. Die deutschen Leistungsbilanzüberschüsse sind somit genauso ein Teil der Ungleichgewichte wie die Defizite in den Südländern. Die Grünen haben ebenfalls recht mit der Feststellung, dass die Hilfsprogramme nicht aus Nächstenliebe erfolgt sind, sondern zur Stabilisierung von Banken und Versicherung, auch und insbesondere in Deutschland. Die Politik des Sparens hat die Krise verstärkt und den sozialen Zusammenhalt geschwächt. ... Die Grünen sind in ihren Lösungsvorschlägen etwas konkreter als die SPD, neigen aber auch zur Überfrachtung. Steuerdumping ist nicht schön, aber kein zentrales Element der Krise. Man kann die Zyprer dazu verdonnern, die Steuern zu erhöhen. Aber das ist eher eine Demonstration deutscher Macht als ein Versuch, die Krise zu lösen. Die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit ist schlimm, sie ist aber nur eine Konsequenz der Dauerrezession. Die Rezession wiederum ist die Konsequenz der Sparpolitik in Verbindung mit der Finanzkrise. Wer die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit bekämpfen will, sollte sich für das Ende der Sparprogramme einsetzen und für eine echte europäische Bankenunion. Spezielle Programme gegen die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit sind unsinnig, solange man das eigentliche Problem nicht löst. Die Grünen sind für Euro-Bonds. Mich als Befürworter solcher gemeinsamen Anleihen aller Euro-Staaten sollte das freuen. Aber die Grünen wollen einen Typus von gemeinsamer Anleihe, von dem ich weniger überzeugt bin - den Schuldentilgungsbond. Basierend auf einem Vorschlag des Sachverständigenrats der Bundesregierung, handelt es sich hier um ein Instrument, das explizit nur zur Schuldentilgung dient.
Die Grünen sind in ihren Lösungsvorschlägen etwas konkreter als die SPD, neigen aber auch zur Überfrachtung. Steuerdumping ist nicht schön, aber kein zentrales Element der Krise. Man kann die Zyprer dazu verdonnern, die Steuern zu erhöhen. Aber das ist eher eine Demonstration deutscher Macht als ein Versuch, die Krise zu lösen. Die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit ist schlimm, sie ist aber nur eine Konsequenz der Dauerrezession. Die Rezession wiederum ist die Konsequenz der Sparpolitik in Verbindung mit der Finanzkrise. Wer die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit bekämpfen will, sollte sich für das Ende der Sparprogramme einsetzen und für eine echte europäische Bankenunion. Spezielle Programme gegen die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit sind unsinnig, solange man das eigentliche Problem nicht löst.
Die Grünen sind für Euro-Bonds. Mich als Befürworter solcher gemeinsamen Anleihen aller Euro-Staaten sollte das freuen. Aber die Grünen wollen einen Typus von gemeinsamer Anleihe, von dem ich weniger überzeugt bin - den Schuldentilgungsbond. Basierend auf einem Vorschlag des Sachverständigenrats der Bundesregierung, handelt es sich hier um ein Instrument, das explizit nur zur Schuldentilgung dient.
According to the Green program, the crisis is not the result of irresponsible fiscal policy in the south, but a consequence of capital flows arising from macroeconomic imbalances. The German current account surpluses are thus as much a part of the imbalances as the deficits in the southern countries. The Greens are also right in noting that the ad programs are not done out of charity, but to stabilize banks and insurers, also and especially in Germany. The austerity policy has strengthened the crisis and weakened social cohesion. ... The Greens are more specific than the SPD in their proposed solutions but also tend to overdo it. Tax dumping is not nice, but also not a central element of the crisis. One can condemn the Cypriots to raise taxes. But this is more of a demonstration German power than an attempt to resolve the crisis. Youth unemployment is bad, but it's just a consequence of the recession period. The recession in turn is a consequence of the austerity policy in conjunction with the financial crisis. Whoever wants to tackle youth unemployment should set themselves for an end to austerity and for a genuine European banking union. Special programs against youth unemployment are nonsense, as long as one does not solve the real problem. The Greens are for euro bonds. As a proponent of such common bonds for all euro countries I should look favourably on this. But the Greens want a type of common bond of which I am less convinced - the debt redemption bond. Based on a proposal of the Expert Council of the Federal Government, we're talking about an instrument that explicitly serves only to repay debt.
The Greens are more specific than the SPD in their proposed solutions but also tend to overdo it. Tax dumping is not nice, but also not a central element of the crisis. One can condemn the Cypriots to raise taxes. But this is more of a demonstration German power than an attempt to resolve the crisis. Youth unemployment is bad, but it's just a consequence of the recession period. The recession in turn is a consequence of the austerity policy in conjunction with the financial crisis. Whoever wants to tackle youth unemployment should set themselves for an end to austerity and for a genuine European banking union. Special programs against youth unemployment are nonsense, as long as one does not solve the real problem.
The Greens are for euro bonds. As a proponent of such common bonds for all euro countries I should look favourably on this. But the Greens want a type of common bond of which I am less convinced - the debt redemption bond. Based on a proposal of the Expert Council of the Federal Government, we're talking about an instrument that explicitly serves only to repay debt.
Wolfgang Münchau über das Wahlprogramm der Linken - SPIEGEL ONLINE
Die Linken sind neben den Grünen die einzige Partei, deren Programm auf einer ehrlichen und intelligenten Analyse der Euro-Krise basiert.
Was mir an der Position der Linken besonders gefällt, ist die konsequente Umsetzung ihrer Analyse zur Krise auf ihr Abstimmungsverhalten im Bundestag. Im Gegensatz zu SPD und Grünen haben die Linken konsequent im Bundestag gegen die Krisenpolitik der Bundesregierung gestimmt. Bei den Grünen liest sich die Unterstützung der Regierung wie eine Entschuldigung. Man habe nur widerwillig zugestimmt, um eine noch größere Krise zu vermeiden. Ich halte das Argument für widersinnig. ... Wie auch bei den Grünen steht die makroökonomische Analyse unter ideologischem Vorbehalt. Auch ihr Programm ist hoffnungslos überfrachtet. Die Linken instrumentalisieren die Krise für ihre Forderung nach höheren Löhnen und Umverteilung. Die Lohnquote - der Anteil der Löhne am Bruttoinlandsprodukt - ist seit den siebziger Jahren in den meisten Industriestaaten zugunsten der Gewinne gefallen. Einer der Gründe dafür ist mit Sicherheit die Globalisierung, denn sie brachte mehr Lohnwettbewerb. Insofern kann man aus der Krise nicht eine Erhöhung der Löhne an sich fordern, höchstens eine Umverteilung der Löhne zwischen Ländern und einer global koordinierten Korrektur im Verhältnis zwischen Profiten und Löhnen. Wie das in der Praxis funktionieren soll, sagen uns die Linken nicht. ... Und somit ist meine - sicher kontroverse - Schlussfolgerung aus fünf Wahlprogrammen: Aus makroökonomischer Sicht wäre eine rot-rot-grüne Koalition die beste Lösung und die einzige Variante, die eine Chance hätte, die Krise mit Erfolg zu bekämpfen. Schon allein deshalb, weil eine solche Konstellation eine andere Narrative der Wirtschaftspolitik bietet.
Wie auch bei den Grünen steht die makroökonomische Analyse unter ideologischem Vorbehalt. Auch ihr Programm ist hoffnungslos überfrachtet. Die Linken instrumentalisieren die Krise für ihre Forderung nach höheren Löhnen und Umverteilung. Die Lohnquote - der Anteil der Löhne am Bruttoinlandsprodukt - ist seit den siebziger Jahren in den meisten Industriestaaten zugunsten der Gewinne gefallen. Einer der Gründe dafür ist mit Sicherheit die Globalisierung, denn sie brachte mehr Lohnwettbewerb. Insofern kann man aus der Krise nicht eine Erhöhung der Löhne an sich fordern, höchstens eine Umverteilung der Löhne zwischen Ländern und einer global koordinierten Korrektur im Verhältnis zwischen Profiten und Löhnen. Wie das in der Praxis funktionieren soll, sagen uns die Linken nicht.
Und somit ist meine - sicher kontroverse - Schlussfolgerung aus fünf Wahlprogrammen: Aus makroökonomischer Sicht wäre eine rot-rot-grüne Koalition die beste Lösung und die einzige Variante, die eine Chance hätte, die Krise mit Erfolg zu bekämpfen. Schon allein deshalb, weil eine solche Konstellation eine andere Narrative der Wirtschaftspolitik bietet.
Münchau says the Greens, Linke and AfD are the three parties that understand the crisis while the CDU/CSU, SPD and FDP are überfordert ("in over their head"). He has used that word before in economic commentary: Europe, unable to cope (FT.com, December 5, 2010)
Usually I stay clear of connotation-rich German words that have no real equivalent in other languages. Their purpose is to obfuscate. But there is one that describes the eurozone's crisis management rather well. It is überfordert. The nearest English translation is "overwhelmed", or "not on top of something", but those are not quite the same. You can be overwhelmed one day, and on top the next. Überfordert is as hopeless as Dante's hell. It has an intellectual and an emotional component. If you are it today, you are it tomorrow. I am not saying that every policymaker in the eurozone is hopeless. There are a few exceptions. My point is that the system is überfordert, unable to cope. This inability has several dimensions. I have identified six. ... The euro is currently on an unsustainable trajectory. The political choice is either to retreat into a corner, and hope for some miracle, or to agree a big political gesture, such as a common European bond. What I hear is that such a gesture will not happen, for a very large number of very small reasons. The system is genuinely überfordert.
I am not saying that every policymaker in the eurozone is hopeless. There are a few exceptions. My point is that the system is überfordert, unable to cope. This inability has several dimensions. I have identified six.
The euro is currently on an unsustainable trajectory. The political choice is either to retreat into a corner, and hope for some miracle, or to agree a big political gesture, such as a common European bond. What I hear is that such a gesture will not happen, for a very large number of very small reasons. The system is genuinely überfordert.
This is an interesting position: the Greens and the Left have the right crisis diagnosis, but they need the weight of the macroeconomically clueless SPD in order to make a viable (seats-wise) governing coalition
Yes, and a pony too, please. The trouble with the SPD is that their election results are still too good to support a change. They need the educational effect of getting far less than 20% before they start to debate a red-red-green coalition. And by then it will be too late.
I mean, Peer Steinbrück, FFS! Finance is the brain [tumour] of the economy
Might possibly have something to do with the contradiction in terms below:
"people capable of critical thinking, on the hard left." Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
As for the capacity to "question oneself", I'd say there are examples everywhere, including on the hard left. However, politics is a tough show in which the actors are not allowed to show weakness, so the self-questioning doesn't get much of a public airing.
Uh, yeah... Why are we even considering her a reasonable person? According to her Wikipedia page, she is a die-hard DDR-apologist.
"The Communist Platform (German: Kommunistische Plattform, KPF) was originally formed as a tendency of the PDS. It is less critical of German Democratic Republic than other groupings, and it upholds orthodox Marxist positions. A "strategic goal" of the KPF is "building a new socialist society, using the positive experiences of real socialism and to learn from mistakes" [46] Its primary leader is Sahra Wagenknecht"
What would we think of a person who talked about the "positive experiences of national socialism and to learn from mistakes"? Well, we wouldn't allow them in polite company, that's for sure. I've previously not really understood why so many in Germany are hostile to Die Linke - now I do.
And she seems to like the mad economy-wrecker in chief who makes Alan Greenspan look like an amateur: "She has expressed strong support for the rise of left-wing leaders in Latin America, such as Hugo Chávez."
Die Linke is something of a broad church, consisting of several overlapping and diverging tendencies. So why do we associate ourselves with the crazies? Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
The Election program of the Left shows, on the Euro crisis, honestly and intelligence. Thus the party is far ahead of the big parties, and the ideal partner of the SPD and Greens
the successor state of Nazi Germany
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
And now that we know about western intelligence services and what they do to our communications, I'm not so sure the DDR was a bad state, comparatively. At least everyone had a job.
I think maybe people on the liberal left, social democrats and the like, need to take a deep breath and realise their ideology is bankrupt, the only thing giving them successes in the past veing the pressure from real existing socialism in state form and the fear that put into Capital. Now that fear is gone, and we see how bankrupt the liberal left in Europe really is.
Kudos to Munchau, an honest man if nothing else, for calling a spade a spade. The Hun is always either at your throat or at your feet. Winston Churchill
I think maybe people on the liberal left, social democrats and the like, need to take a deep breath and realise their ideology is bankrupt, the only thing giving them successes in the past being the pressure from real existing socialism in state form and the fear that put into Capital.
I think a more serious problem for the social democrats is that they need an active, credible domestic communist threat, or they go off script. And after the communist parties wedded themselves to what was even then quite obviously the losing side in the Great Game, it was all over bar the shouting.
So I think treating the soc-dems as something static over a hundred years are wrong.
Then the effect of the cold war and the communist bloc, I think was that the right by and large in the anglo world and western Europe (with exceptions) turned left and accepted soc-dem governments and social reforms. Without threatening civil war or coups. Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
Hm, but pre-wwI was there even a communist (or revolutionary socialist) organisation in Denmark? In Sweden there wasn't, the revolutionary socialists and reformist socialists was in the same unions and the same party.
Do you even have an idea of what you are talking about?
On the other hand, states of war remained, reparations were paid... Finance is the brain [tumour] of the economy
Stasi Employed Nazis as Spies.
"We decide who was a Nazi."
NSDAP members in the DDR. Peak oil is not an energy crisis. It is a liquid fuel crisis.
And if you're going to start on Gestapo agents that were turned, then we're going to be here all night, what with Paperclip and Doublecross and Gladio. Recruiting from the other side's spy agencies is standard practice in the cloak-and-dagger community. One may question the wisdom of this, but then one may question the wisdom of a lot of what goes on in that particular subculture.
Really, this sub-thread is unbelievable. A time-warp to cold war propaganda of the free west vs poor oppressed slaves in the "zone".
This is really just a subsection of Rysskräck.
KPF is "building a new socialist society, using the positive experiences of real socialism and to learn from mistakes" [46] Its primary leader is Sahra Wagenknecht" What would we think of a person who talked about the "positive experiences of national socialism and to learn from mistakes"?
What would we think of a person who talked about the "positive experiences of national socialism and to learn from mistakes"?
Is the basis of the whole thread simply that Starvid revealed his own phobias on the basis of his own reading mistake?
Or should one take away that "real socialism" equates to "national socialism?"
Hugo Chavez is (was) the mad "economy-wrecker in chief" (sic)? Would that be globally, or just the nationalized component of Venezuela's fossil fuel industry? "Life shrinks or expands in proportion to one's courage." - Anaïs Nin
More that DDR is the moral equivalent of Nazi Germany. Or so I read it. Sweden's finest (and perhaps only) collaborative, leftist e-newspaper Synapze.se
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