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For Wolfgang Schäuble, societal behavior cannot be easily explained, not even by social scientists. That is why, he believes, negotiated rules -- and adherence to those rules -- is the best policy.
The second observation is that I used to like German legal positivism until I saw the effect of legalistic adherence to rules on Euro crisis resolution.
As I don't like natural law as a basis of justice and I'm not religious, I'm left without a universal basis for law and justice, but I guess that just forces me to be responsible for my own political choices. A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
Schäuble's and Spiegel's goal is to divert from a counter-narrative, which would be:
Varoufakis is the newest finance minister in the Euro Group; Schäuble has served the longest. Varoufakis is a professor of economics, a man always good for a clever turn of phrase and a beaming smile. Schäuble is better known for being caustic and irritable. Varoufakis is a macroeconomist and prefers an open consideration of facts to blind adherence to dogma; he is matter-of-fact and deeply skeptical of those who have no understanding of the issues but make policy via backroom deals. And he doesn't hold career politicians in high regard. Since Varoufakis has gotten to know his old colleague from Berlin, his appreciation for career politicians has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who moralise instead of arguing facts and think that rules come before understanding. For Yannis Varoufakis, macroeconomics cannot be easily understood, even by economists. That is why, he believes, listening to expert advice -- and constant evaluation of what worked and what didn't -- is the best policy.
Since Varoufakis has gotten to know his old colleague from Berlin, his appreciation for career politicians has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who moralise instead of arguing facts and think that rules come before understanding.
For Yannis Varoufakis, macroeconomics cannot be easily understood, even by economists. That is why, he believes, listening to expert advice -- and constant evaluation of what worked and what didn't -- is the best policy.
The basis of all right-wingery is a monarchic belief in the absolute freedom of privileged individuals and countries to do whatever the fuck they like without responsibility or consequences.
Rules are expedient to the extent that they promote those 'freedoms'.
The order of cause and effect is - start with the power relationships you want, then persuade everyone that the rules that promote those relationships are somehow economically, politically, socially, and even scientifically inviolable.
Greece and Varoufakis are challenging that by saying that the rules and the power they maintain are debatable, and may even be subject to democratic constraints.
Macro is actually a red herring. It may or may not be amenable to rational analysis, but its role here is to promote political persuasion and leverage, not to predict the future.
Classical Liberal Economics was the champion of the business class and the middle class against the rules of the feudal order. Especially of interest were changes to the way in which the biggest embodiment of capital - land - was treated, and of the substitution of 'rule of law', adjudicated by impartial trained jurists for rule by the aristocracy from traditional practice, but labor was next in line. And the rationality was from the context of economic competition. That is the core of present day conservatism and 'ordoliberalism' seems to me just another suit of clothes for the ideology, perhaps with truncheons as accessories.
I certainly did not take Schauble to be a liberal. Nor do I find adherents of the Austrian School to be particularly liberal according to how that term is used today. But then 'liberalism' today remains tainted by the economic liberalism of its youth in the early 19th Century. But Socialism has been smeared beyond recognition by a concerted, well funded 50 year PR campaign from the right. Karl Polahyi's Great Transformation is my touchstone here. He was a Socialist in Red Vienna after WW I who moved to England where he wrote his much neglected masterpiece. Unsurprisingly, conservatives prefer to ignore it. It would be hard for them to deal actively with his criticisms. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
Liberalism is a centuries-old family of ideologies that developed in rather different directions in different parts of the world over the past two centuries, although all past and present forms are based on some notion of "freedom". In South America, 19th-century liberalism was much like Whig liberalism, and it moved further right to become the class ideology of the narrow urban bourgeois. In the USA, 19th-century Whig liberalism made way in the 1930s to a liberalism you are familiar with today, one emphasizing "[government provision of] equal opportunities [to practise individual freedom]" (which took roughly the same position as Social Democracy in Europe), while those liberals who didn't want to go the Big Government route chose the "libertarian" tag. In Europe, parallel to Manchester capitalism, there have been forms of liberalism that emphasized a radical rejection of royalism and clericalism, and forms that absorbed nationalism (the notion of "national freedom") and thus weren't against state intervention in the economy. In the mid 20th century, these made way to new forms that reacted to fascism and communism. These included the Central Europeans going into US exile and mingling with the libertarians there who advocated a full withdrawal of the state from the economy, and who birthed neo-liberalism (in which, IMHO, the central ideological novelty is that it is okay to impose "economic freedom" by taking away people's political freedom of choice). In post-WWII West Germany, one of significance was ordoliberalism, which wanted the state to limit itself to imposing order and rules upon private competition with the aim of limiting both the excesses of capitalism and the excesses of collectivism. But there was a wider notion (including but not limited to ordoliberalism) of "social liberalism", which viewed wealth concentration as an inherently corrupting and oppression-breeding condition prone to trigger a blowback and thus to be tamed by strong state re-distribution. This had influence not only on the card-carrying liberals of the FDP, but parts of the CDU (and later the SPD), though it shouldn't be over-valued: for many it was a fig leaf, a counter to "real existing socialism" across the Iron Curtain, and its anti-monopolistic theses never stood a chance against the idea of national champions (especially when large state companies like telecommunications or railways were eyed for privatisation from the eighties). But this liberalism is not Schäuble's background, while liberalism developed further since 1989 in Germany, too: the ordoliberal notion of imposing order to limit excesses of capitalism (in particular reining in and splitting up employer associations) or the social-liberal notion of re-distribution to counter-act wealth concentration are gone almost completely, while the rest merged with the imported Anglo-Saxonized neo-liberalism. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
But Socialism has been smeared beyond recognition by a concerted, well funded 50 year PR campaign from the right.
42% of Germans find that socialism/communism are a good idea that was only implemented badly. https://www.freitag.de/autoren/felix-werdermann/linksextremes-deutschland/view?utm_content=buffercfa b3&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer Someone should organise them.
I certainly did not take Schauble to be a liberal. Nor do I find adherents of the Austrian School to be particularly liberal according to how that term is used today.
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