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In 1971 Schäuble obtained his doctorate in law, with a dissertation called "The public accountant's professional legal situation within accountancy firms".
But in the case of Schäuble that's not a basis for running a heterogeneous monetary union.
"For Yanis Varoufakis, the euro is a defective currency. For Schäuble, it is his legacy." Piece from @DerSPIEGEL:http://t.co/bRIaiU0YUs— The Corner (@thecornerdoteu) febrero 28, 2015
"For Yanis Varoufakis, the euro is a defective currency. For Schäuble, it is his legacy." Piece from @DerSPIEGEL:http://t.co/bRIaiU0YUs
And where exactly did you learn in 1973 to run a currncy union?
Mundell was an advisor to Richard Nixon and attempted to make the case for revaluing the gold fix of the US$ upward to reduce pressure for gold flow out of the USA during a long plane flight during which he was seated next to Nixon. But Nixon was too distracted to really listen and the opportunity was lost. I find this interesting as it seems it would probably work. The problem is that for most gold bugs the idea of an adjustable peg for gold makes their heads explode. The consequences of not making changes was the US going off the standard and 'closing the gold window' in 1971 - with no formal replacement for international settlements mechanism for FX. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
- Jake Friends come and go. Enemies accumulate.
Now, don't get me wrong, the English were great at naval warfare, and at butchering defenseless natives in the colonies. But land wars against countries with population, organization and technology base roughly on par with their own? Not so much.
The Trienio Liberal (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈtɾjenjo liβeˈɾal], "Liberal Triennium") was a period of three years of liberal government in Spain. After the revolution of 1820 the movement spread quickly to the rest of Spain and the Spanish Constitution of 1812 was reinstated. The Triennium was a volatile period between liberals and conservatives in Spain, and constant political tensions between the two groups progressively weakened the government's authority. Finally in 1823, with the approval of the crown heads of Europe, a French army invaded Spain and reinstated the King's absolute power. This invasion is known in France as the "Spanish Expedition" (expédition d'Espagne), and in Spain as "The Hundred Thousand Sons of St. Louis".
I was more into the first round of semi-liberalisation, the one that led to 1812 constitution: a paradox that ideas brought by the french military presence were at the same time used against France and pro-monarchy, just to be crushed by the same monarchy when the french presence was no longer there to enforce them.
We could also speak of the tragedy of logistics, the lack of being a main reason for military depredation in Spain by the french army and the subsequent revolt by the spanish people starved to death by military requisitions.
And actually I'm not saying anything myself: that's just from a book read in spanish two weeks ago about Goya and the people around him.
But the fact is that the Spanish patriots fighting the occupation were liberal, too, as evidenced by the constitution of 1812. A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
At least, that's the message from the book I read, which describes close friend from Goya hoping to use the french presence to get rid of some spanish bad habits (mainly religious influence that they criticized), and being deceived as the war -curiously quite secondary from a french perspective- takes its toll.
Anyway, as I haven't got enough background to argue here, and as I don't want to get involved into a new flaming debate here, after the one with IM, so count me as convinced. You may delete my messages if you find them too off base.
clever, these shopkeepers.
But bragging about your martial prowess when everyone else did all the real fighting that won the war for your side is just pathetic. It would be like Iran crowing about how great the Revolutionary Guard is for winning the Iraq war.
To found a great empire for the sole purpose of raising up a people of customers may at first sight appear a project fit only for a nation of shopkeepers. It is, however, a project altogether unfit for a nation of shopkeepers; but extremely fit for a nation whose government is influenced by shopkeepers.
The rule was you didn't march around killing people - you did deals with the local big men, and/or introduced drugs and taxes and slavery, and then you marched around killing people, but only if you really had to.
Only the Dutch had a similarly indirect approach to international diplomacy. France, Spain, and the Habsburgs had a more direct and continental Big Arrmy tradition, which made for plenty of set-piece battles, but not so much long term 'growth and stability.'
If you don't understand how sneaky the British Establishment is, consider that England went through the Enclosures, the Industrial Revolution, wars with the Continent and the Colonies, a century of Dickensian squalor and oppression. and two world wars, but hasn't had a significant Euro-style revolution since the Civil War - and even that was largely a fight between merchants/pirates/barons and the monarchy.
And monarchy was restored almost immediately anyway.
While the UK likes to pretend it's the modern cradle of democracy, the reality is it's the modern cradle of neo-Machiavellianism, and the spiritual home of neoliberals everywhere.
Varoufakis is the newest finance minister in the Euro Group; Schäuble has served the longest. Varoufakis is a professor of economics, a man always good for a clever turn of phrase and a beaming smile. Schäuble is better known for being caustic and irritable. He is a lawyer by training and prefers practice to theory; he is matter-of-fact and deeply skeptical of those who seek to grab the spotlight. And he doesn't hold university professors in high regard. Since Schäuble has gotten to know his new colleague from Athens, his appreciation for economy professors has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who believe in their own theories and who think that the world is predictable. For Wolfgang Schäuble, societal behavior cannot be easily explained, not even by social scientists. That is why, he believes, negotiated rules -- and adherence to those rules -- is the best policy. For Yanis Varoufakis, the euro is a defective currency. For Schäuble, it is his legacy. (Money quote my bold)
Since Schäuble has gotten to know his new colleague from Athens, his appreciation for economy professors has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who believe in their own theories and who think that the world is predictable. For Wolfgang Schäuble, societal behavior cannot be easily explained, not even by social scientists. That is why, he believes, negotiated rules -- and adherence to those rules -- is the best policy.
For Yanis Varoufakis, the euro is a defective currency. For Schäuble, it is his legacy. (Money quote my bold)
VisiCalc changed all of that. Now changes in an electronic spreadsheet propagated themselves through the spreadsheet automatically. Accountants found that they now could offer their employers and clients what if analysis and a whole range of higher order tasks. This pre-VisiCalc world of accountancy was the world in which Schäuble submitted his dissertation in 1971. Rules, rules, rules. Interestingly, rules did not keep him from accepting the cash donation over DM 100,000 contributed by the arms dealer and lobbyist Karlheinz Schreiber back in 1994, which led to him stepping down as head of the CDU and has dogged him since. So I guess he has some flexibility about rules. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
BTW - how do you know that a football team is made up of accountants?
It's the one with 11 goalkeepers.... Index of Frank's Diaries
For Wolfgang Schäuble, societal behavior cannot be easily explained, not even by social scientists. That is why, he believes, negotiated rules -- and adherence to those rules -- is the best policy.
The second observation is that I used to like German legal positivism until I saw the effect of legalistic adherence to rules on Euro crisis resolution.
As I don't like natural law as a basis of justice and I'm not religious, I'm left without a universal basis for law and justice, but I guess that just forces me to be responsible for my own political choices. A society committed to the notion that government is always bad will have bad government. And it doesn't have to be that way. — Paul Krugman
Schäuble's and Spiegel's goal is to divert from a counter-narrative, which would be:
Varoufakis is the newest finance minister in the Euro Group; Schäuble has served the longest. Varoufakis is a professor of economics, a man always good for a clever turn of phrase and a beaming smile. Schäuble is better known for being caustic and irritable. Varoufakis is a macroeconomist and prefers an open consideration of facts to blind adherence to dogma; he is matter-of-fact and deeply skeptical of those who have no understanding of the issues but make policy via backroom deals. And he doesn't hold career politicians in high regard. Since Varoufakis has gotten to know his old colleague from Berlin, his appreciation for career politicians has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who moralise instead of arguing facts and think that rules come before understanding. For Yannis Varoufakis, macroeconomics cannot be easily understood, even by economists. That is why, he believes, listening to expert advice -- and constant evaluation of what worked and what didn't -- is the best policy.
Since Varoufakis has gotten to know his old colleague from Berlin, his appreciation for career politicians has dropped even further. He is suspicious of those who moralise instead of arguing facts and think that rules come before understanding.
For Yannis Varoufakis, macroeconomics cannot be easily understood, even by economists. That is why, he believes, listening to expert advice -- and constant evaluation of what worked and what didn't -- is the best policy.
The basis of all right-wingery is a monarchic belief in the absolute freedom of privileged individuals and countries to do whatever the fuck they like without responsibility or consequences.
Rules are expedient to the extent that they promote those 'freedoms'.
The order of cause and effect is - start with the power relationships you want, then persuade everyone that the rules that promote those relationships are somehow economically, politically, socially, and even scientifically inviolable.
Greece and Varoufakis are challenging that by saying that the rules and the power they maintain are debatable, and may even be subject to democratic constraints.
Macro is actually a red herring. It may or may not be amenable to rational analysis, but its role here is to promote political persuasion and leverage, not to predict the future.
Classical Liberal Economics was the champion of the business class and the middle class against the rules of the feudal order. Especially of interest were changes to the way in which the biggest embodiment of capital - land - was treated, and of the substitution of 'rule of law', adjudicated by impartial trained jurists for rule by the aristocracy from traditional practice, but labor was next in line. And the rationality was from the context of economic competition. That is the core of present day conservatism and 'ordoliberalism' seems to me just another suit of clothes for the ideology, perhaps with truncheons as accessories.
I certainly did not take Schauble to be a liberal. Nor do I find adherents of the Austrian School to be particularly liberal according to how that term is used today. But then 'liberalism' today remains tainted by the economic liberalism of its youth in the early 19th Century. But Socialism has been smeared beyond recognition by a concerted, well funded 50 year PR campaign from the right. Karl Polahyi's Great Transformation is my touchstone here. He was a Socialist in Red Vienna after WW I who moved to England where he wrote his much neglected masterpiece. Unsurprisingly, conservatives prefer to ignore it. It would be hard for them to deal actively with his criticisms. "It is not necessary to have hope in order to persevere."
Liberalism is a centuries-old family of ideologies that developed in rather different directions in different parts of the world over the past two centuries, although all past and present forms are based on some notion of "freedom". In South America, 19th-century liberalism was much like Whig liberalism, and it moved further right to become the class ideology of the narrow urban bourgeois. In the USA, 19th-century Whig liberalism made way in the 1930s to a liberalism you are familiar with today, one emphasizing "[government provision of] equal opportunities [to practise individual freedom]" (which took roughly the same position as Social Democracy in Europe), while those liberals who didn't want to go the Big Government route chose the "libertarian" tag. In Europe, parallel to Manchester capitalism, there have been forms of liberalism that emphasized a radical rejection of royalism and clericalism, and forms that absorbed nationalism (the notion of "national freedom") and thus weren't against state intervention in the economy. In the mid 20th century, these made way to new forms that reacted to fascism and communism. These included the Central Europeans going into US exile and mingling with the libertarians there who advocated a full withdrawal of the state from the economy, and who birthed neo-liberalism (in which, IMHO, the central ideological novelty is that it is okay to impose "economic freedom" by taking away people's political freedom of choice). In post-WWII West Germany, one of significance was ordoliberalism, which wanted the state to limit itself to imposing order and rules upon private competition with the aim of limiting both the excesses of capitalism and the excesses of collectivism. But there was a wider notion (including but not limited to ordoliberalism) of "social liberalism", which viewed wealth concentration as an inherently corrupting and oppression-breeding condition prone to trigger a blowback and thus to be tamed by strong state re-distribution. This had influence not only on the card-carrying liberals of the FDP, but parts of the CDU (and later the SPD), though it shouldn't be over-valued: for many it was a fig leaf, a counter to "real existing socialism" across the Iron Curtain, and its anti-monopolistic theses never stood a chance against the idea of national champions (especially when large state companies like telecommunications or railways were eyed for privatisation from the eighties). But this liberalism is not Schäuble's background, while liberalism developed further since 1989 in Germany, too: the ordoliberal notion of imposing order to limit excesses of capitalism (in particular reining in and splitting up employer associations) or the social-liberal notion of re-distribution to counter-act wealth concentration are gone almost completely, while the rest merged with the imported Anglo-Saxonized neo-liberalism. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
But Socialism has been smeared beyond recognition by a concerted, well funded 50 year PR campaign from the right.
42% of Germans find that socialism/communism are a good idea that was only implemented badly. https://www.freitag.de/autoren/felix-werdermann/linksextremes-deutschland/view?utm_content=buffercfa b3&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer Someone should organise them.
I certainly did not take Schauble to be a liberal. Nor do I find adherents of the Austrian School to be particularly liberal according to how that term is used today.
@COdendahl When did @BILD become the paper where important political debates are had?— Migeru (@MigeruBlogger) marzo 1, 2015
@COdendahl When did @BILD become the paper where important political debates are had?
ekathimerini.com | Schaeuble softens tone, says Greece 'needs time'
"The new Greek government has strong public support,» Schaeuble said in an interview with German newspaper Bild am Sonntag."I am confident that it will put in place the necessary measures, set up a more efficient tax system and in the end honour its commitments."You have to give a little bit of time to a newly elected government,» he told the Sunday paper. «To govern is to face reality."Schaeuble also insisted that his Greek counterpart Yanis Varoufakis, despite their policy differences, had «behaved most properly with me» and had «the right to as much respect as everyone else».
"The new Greek government has strong public support,» Schaeuble said in an interview with German newspaper Bild am Sonntag.
"I am confident that it will put in place the necessary measures, set up a more efficient tax system and in the end honour its commitments.
"You have to give a little bit of time to a newly elected government,» he told the Sunday paper. «To govern is to face reality."
Schaeuble also insisted that his Greek counterpart Yanis Varoufakis, despite their policy differences, had «behaved most properly with me» and had «the right to as much respect as everyone else».
Well if you combine the obviously Schäuble-approved Spiegel article and the above, it's his usual Overton-window-shifting tactic: say something inflammatory and then pretend that you meant it in a much more harmless way than interpreted by everyone. *Lunatic*, n. One whose delusions are out of fashion.
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