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Alahwaz News - March 2016

The ASMLA stressed that the profits attained by the Iranian regime from the sale of the oil and gas resources in Ahwaz are used both in the brutal oppression of the Ahwazi people, who are denied any share in or profit from their own resources, and in funding terrorist entities which actively work to destabilise security and stability in the Arab world and elsewhere.

The Ahwazi delegates explained that despite the massive resource wealth contained in Ahwaz (renamed Khuzestan province by the occupying Iranian regime in 1936), the Arab Ahwazi people are maintained in conditions of Third World poverty, denied any of the wealth from the oil and gas resources on their land, denied education, work and the most basic of human rights, with Ahwazi peoples routinely arrested, tortured and often executed for such `crimes' as speaking their native language or participating in any form of human rights activism.

The ASMLA representatives urged the international oil companies, investors and other delegates at the conference to meet both their legal and moral responsibilities by rejecting any collusion in the Iranian regime's ongoing abuse of Ahwazi peoples and its funding of terrorism through trade with the regime.

The ASMLA delegation also pointed out that, having been denied any legal recourse to claim their rights, Ahwazi resistance forces have targeted oil facilities for attacks in protest at the theocratic regime's inhumanity, with such attacks increasing in regularity in recent years. The most recent such attack took place on February 22 of this year against an oil installation in the city of Arjan in eastern Ahwaz. The attack by the ASMLA's military wing, the Brigades of the Martyr Mohiuddin Al-Nasser, resulted in massive losses of resources and equipment at the facility. The delegates added that such attacks will continue until the rights of the Ahwazi peoples are recognised.

New Terror Campaign Against Iran as Giuliani Predicts Regime Change | Tikun Olam |
After 35 Years, Iran Liquidates MKO Terrorist near Amsterdam

Global Warming - distance between America and Europe is steadily increasing.

by Oui on Tue Sep 25th, 2018 at 10:03:03 AM EST
In my semi-regular survey of origin stories published by innerboob, I recently came across a podcast interview with a historian who specialized in US slave trade. (When I relocate the link, I'll post it here.) iirc, The occasion for the interview is a Pulitzer Prize for the latest research into the origin of "white supremacy." The historian nailed the deed to a specific 15th century Portuguese document.

Now, the thesis of periodicity --before | discovery| after-- and instrumentality of "race" relationships that he develops from that seems to me to pertain also today to recurring, opportune discoveries of oppressed ethnic minorities such as The Ahwaz within a hegemonic "evil" (Greater Middle East<->Persians<->Medi) upon which racists operate. The historian, intentionally or not, seems to me to postulate a cognitive function in race schema that is systematically associated with value discovery. I paraphrase from memory.

BEFORE: ethnic heterogeneity within a population identified by geography
DISCOVERY: object permanence
AFTER: undifferentiated identity of a population by geography ("blacks", "whites")

Diversity is the key to economic and political evolution.

by Cat on Tue Sep 25th, 2018 at 07:37:10 PM EST
[ Parent ]
Searching the Internet for a bit ... came across two possibilities.

Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States is a 1971 nonfiction book written by American author Carl N. Degler.

Another study by Thomas E. Skidmore is ...

Fact and Myth: Discovering a Racial Problem in Brazil | Kellogg Institute |


This paper examines prevalent attitudes towards race in Brazil's multiracial society. The author notes that, while there is a considerable literature on slavery and the struggle for abolition, relatively little work has been done on race in Brazil today even though color continues to correlate highly with social stratification. He argues that historically the Brazilian elite has been able to hold to a belief in white superiority and at the same time deny the existence of a racial problem by adopting an "assimilationist" ideology. This begins with the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century thesis that Brazil was progressively "whitening,' and continues up to the present day with the widely held view that disproportionate Afro-Brazilian poverty is a legacy of socioeconomic disadvantage and not a result of discrimination. This official ideology has strongly affected the availability of data until recently and has generally been a dominant influence on mainstream academic research on race. The author traces the emergence of criticism of the "myth of racial democracy" from Afro-Brazilian militants and some social scientists, and gives a brief overview of the existing research on contemporary Brazilian race relations. He concludes by outlining a future research agenda for Afro-Brazilian studies.

Every Brazilian and every perceptive visitor knows that racial terms are not clearly defined in that society. The lesson is especially striking for North Americans and Europeans, who are used to a conventional black/white (or, at least, white/nonwhite) dichotomy. That polarization was institutionalized in U.S. racial segregation, a polarity that Europeans, unused to home-country contact with nonwhites in the modern era, instinctively understood.

But Brazil, like most of Latin America, is different. In the Caribbean and Latin America the European colonizers left a legacy of multiracialism, in spite of early attempts to enforce racial endogamy, i.e., the prohibition of marriage outside the same racial category. Multiracial meant more than two racial categories--at a minimum, three. The mulatto and the mestizo became the "middle caste," with considerable numbers attaining free legal status, even under slave systems. The result was a system of social stratification that differed sharply from the rigid color bifurcation in the U.S. (both before and after slavery) and in Europe's African colonies. There was and is a color (here standing for a collection of physical features) spectrum on which clear lines were often not drawn. Between a "pure" black and a very light mulatto there are numerous gradations, as reflected in the scores of racial labels (many pejorative) in common Brazilian usage.

This is not to say that Brazilian society is not highly color conscious. In fact, Brazilians, like most Latin Americans, are more sensitive to variations in physical features than white North Americans or Europeans. This results from the fact that variations along the color spectrum, especially in the middle range, are considered significant, since there is no clear dividing line.

Collective Degradation: Slavery and the Construction of Race

Global Warming - distance between America and Europe is steadily increasing.

by Oui on Tue Sep 25th, 2018 at 08:51:07 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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