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US House Oversight and Reform Committee, 30 Sep 2021, featuring dubious reading comprehension, a RAFT of bills purporting to perfect "constitutional rights", tears, sippy cups, and Gloria Steinem, "feminist icon" of the middling sort--possibly low-income menstruating colored people--as is the custom when FIFTH WAVE politicians have exhausted a philosophy of "qualified" equity and meritocracy which has bound the nation in their exceptional ignorance in "cases of rape or incest". running time 05:01:39.
reference Jane ROE, et al., Appellants, v. Henry WADE, 410 U.S. 113 (1973)
Held: While 28 U.S.C. § 1253 authorizes no direct appeal to this Court from the grant or denial of declaratory relief alone, review is not foreclosed when the case is properly before the Court on appeal from specific denial of injunctive relief and the arguments as to both injunctive and declaratory relief are necessarily identical. P. 123. Roe has standing to sue; the Does and Hallford do not. Pp. 123-129. [...] 3. State criminal abortion laws, like those involved here, that except from criminality only a life-saving procedure on the mother's behalf without regard to the stage of her pregnancy and other interests involved violate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which protects against state action the right to privacy, including a woman's qualified right to terminate her pregnancy. Though the State cannot override that right, it has legitimate interests in protecting both the pregnant woman's health and the potentiality of human life, each of which interests grows and reaches a "compelling" point at various stages of the woman's approach to term. Pp. 147-164. [...] The State may define the term "physician" to mean only a physician currently licensed by the State, and may proscribe any abortion by a person who is not a physician as so defined. P. 165. It is unnecessary to decide the injunctive relief issue, since the Texass authorities will doubtless fully recognize the Court's ruling
314 F. Supp. 1217, affirmed in part and reversed in part. [the contrite Klans man] BLACKMUN, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which BURGER, C.J., and DOUGLAS, BRENNAN, STEWART, MARSHALL, and POWELL, JJ., joined. BURGER, C.J., post, p. 410 U. S. 207, DOUGLAS, J., post, p. 209, and STEWART, J., post, p. 167, filed concurring opinions. WHITE, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which REHNQUIST, J., joined, post, p. 221. REHNQUIST, J., filed a dissenting opinion, post, p. 171.
[the contrite Klans man] BLACKMUN, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which BURGER, C.J., and DOUGLAS, BRENNAN, STEWART, MARSHALL, and POWELL, JJ., joined. BURGER, C.J., post, p. 410 U. S. 207, DOUGLAS, J., post, p. 209, and STEWART, J., post, p. 167, filed concurring opinions. WHITE, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which REHNQUIST, J., joined, post, p. 221. REHNQUIST, J., filed a dissenting opinion, post, p. 171.
archived Who is a "health provider"?
APsplainin rule of law wut: "If the Justice Department prevails, Texas officials [?!] would likely seek a swift reversal from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which previously allowed the restrictions to take effect reversed a US district ct's permanent injunction of Tex. Health & Safety Code stipulating 'fetal death' at time of a permissable 'dismemberment abortion' procedure, 15-22 weeks"
wut: "At least one Texas abortion provider PHYSICIAN Alan Braid has admitted to violating the law and been sued -- but not by abortion opponents. Former attorneys in Illinois and Arkansas say they instead[?!] sued a San Antonio doctor physician ALAN BRAID in hopes of getting a judge [in Bexar County - TEXASS 224th District Court] who would invalidate the law"
despite Whole Woman's Health's petition to a Texass court to enjoin the entire Texass judiciary from hearing complaint invoking S.B.8.
archived Avenatti School of Law, juris doctors Stiley and Gomez v ALAN BRAID; US v Texass
MALONEY: Ms Steinem, thank you for being here today. You spoke about your own abortion, and in the early 1970s before Roe v. Wade you pioneered the fight for reproductive rights. But what is happening today puts these five decades of progress [wipes tears] at risk. Ms Steinem, since Roe v. Wade has the right to abortion ever been under greater risk than it is now? Than it is today? ... You need to unmute, Ms Steinem. STEINEM: I do not remember any time of greater risk, and I'm sorry to say that I believe it is also connected to a racial bias in this country [INCONTINENCE ALERT] because we are at a point when we are about to become a majority people of, of color country. Which seems to me a great event in a way. We're going to have better relationships with other countries in the world, understand uh differences better. But I think the ... there is a profoundly racist resistance to the continuation to the right to safe and legal abortion, and we see that in the nature of the resisters and the nature of their politics. It is absolutely fundamental that we control our own bodies. Ther is no democracy without that. We are fighting for the very basis of democracy. MALONEY: Thank you. Professor Murray ...
Duly noted: "WRIT OF MANDAMUS IS DENIED"
The Oklahoma Supreme Court temporarily blocked three abortion laws that were set to take effect Nov. 1. The laws include one that would require doctors who perform abortions to be board certified in obstetrics and gynecology, and two that would place various restrictions on medication abortion.
Justice Samuel Alito, who is assigned to handle requests from Texas, on Friday also granted a petition from the Department of Justice to have the court hear its challenge of S.B. 8 this term. But the question before the court in that case is limited to whether the federal government has the power to stop state officials or private parties from enforcing Texas' law.
Federal US District ct judge blocks Texass' 6-week abortion ban* law, S.B. 8
The court was able to decide[sic] this through the use of the shadow docket, which allows[sic] the high court to rule[sic] on issues without going through the ["]traditional["] appeals channels appellate court review or allowing for oral argument.With S.B. 8 about to go into effect, Plaintiffs filed an application for injunctive relief or, in the alternative, to vacate the Fifth Circuit's stays of this Court's proceedings with the Supreme Court. Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson, No. 21A24, 2021 WL 3910722, at *1 (U.S. Sept. 1, 2021). At midnight, S.B. 8 became law, and that night the Supreme Court issued its [plurality and dissenting] opinions denying Plaintiffs' request [Application (21A24)] for an injunction or stay. Id.
With S.B. 8 about to go into effect, Plaintiffs filed an application for injunctive relief or, in the alternative, to vacate the Fifth Circuit's stays of this Court's proceedings with the Supreme Court. Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson, No. 21A24, 2021 WL 3910722, at *1 (U.S. Sept. 1, 2021). At midnight, S.B. 8 became law, and that night the Supreme Court issued its [plurality and dissenting] opinions denying Plaintiffs' request [Application (21A24)] for an injunction or stay. Id.
While acknowledging that Plaintiffs had "raised serious questions regarding the constitutionality of the Texas law at issue[,]" the Supreme Court expressed concern about the "complex and novel antecedent procedural questions." Id. [Pitman, p 11; emphasis added] [SCOTUS] Justices did allude to the Texas law in question returning to them in the traditional appeals process. With federal US District ct judge ruling against the state [motion to dismiss Plaintiff's motion to proceed before Plaintiff's motion to enjoin the entire TX judiciary], it is likely officials the TX AG will appeal [US District ct's order] to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, considered to be one of the most ideologically conservative federal appeals courts.
While acknowledging that Plaintiffs had "raised serious questions regarding the constitutionality of the Texas law at issue[,]" the Supreme Court expressed concern about the "complex and novel antecedent procedural questions." Id. [Pitman, p 11; emphasis added]
[SCOTUS] Justices did allude to the Texas law in question returning to them in the traditional appeals process. With federal US District ct judge ruling against the state [motion to dismiss Plaintiff's motion to proceed before Plaintiff's motion to enjoin the entire TX judiciary], it is likely officials the TX AG will appeal [US District ct's order] to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, considered to be one of the most ideologically conservative federal appeals courts.
This case [US v Texass] has the potential < wipes tears > to be that very case that returns the Texas Heartbeat Act to the Supreme Court. However, the debate over abortion rights wages[sic] on as justices will hear arguments in a case concerning a Mississippi law that bans abortion within 15 weeks of gestation.[FALSE]
Based on the Court's findings of fact and conclusions of law: IT IS ORDERED that the United States' Emergency Motion for Temporary Restraining Order or Preliminary Injunction, (Dkt. 8), is GRANTED as set out above in Section V. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that the States of Texas's Motion to Dismiss, (Dkt. 54), is DENIED. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that Amici States' Unopposed Motion for Leave to File Brief as Amici Curiae, (Dkt. 9), is GRANTED. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that the United States' Opposed Motion for a Protective Order of Audiovisual Recordings, (Dkt. 36), is DENIED.
* This syntax is comically ambiguous. How'd that get past a COPY EDITOR?
The ["ideologically conservative"] Fifth Circuit recently reinforced the concept that states may not sue the federal government in parens patriae to enforce Constitutional rights because the federal government is the ultimate parens patriae when it comes to enforcement of the Constitution. Brackeen v. Haaland, 994 F.3d 249, 292 n.13 (2021) (rehearing en banc) (quoting Katzenbach, 383 U.S. at 324).
reference In re Debs et al Art. 1, interstate commerce clause--applied and inferred--on the occasion of crushing the ("mostly black") Pullman strike of 1895: Brewer WHO?
3 'No trace is to be found in the constitution of an intention to create a dependence of the government of the Union on those of the states, for the execution of the great powers assigned to it. Its means are adequate to its ends, and on those means alone was it expected to rely for the accomplishment of its ends. To impose on it the necessity of resorting to means which it cannot control, which another government may furnish or withhold, would render its course precarious, the result of its measures uncertain, and create a dependence on other governments, which might disappoint its most important designs, and is incompatible with the language of the constitution.' Chief Justice Marshall in McCulloch v. State of Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 405, 424. 4 'Both the states and the United States existed before the constitution. The people, through that instrument, established a more perfect union by substituting a national government, acting, with ample power, directly upon the citizens, instead of the confederate government, which acted with powers, greatly restricted, only upon the states.' Chief Justice Chase in Lane Co. v. Oregon, 7 Wall. 71, 76.
4 'Both the states and the United States existed before the constitution. The people, through that instrument, established a more perfect union by substituting a national government, acting, with ample power, directly upon the citizens, instead of the confederate government, which acted with powers, greatly restricted, only upon the states.' Chief Justice Chase in Lane Co. v. Oregon, 7 Wall. 71, 76.
5 'We hold it to be an incontrovertible principle that the government of the United States may, by means of physical force, exercised through its official agents, execute on every foot of American soil the powers and functions that belong to it. This necessarily involves the power to command obedience to its laws, and hence the power to keep the peace to that extent.'
a. The Foundations of the Equitable Remedy Equitable remedies have a long been established as tools available to courts, predating the Constitution itself. See Irvine v. Marshall, 61 U.S. 558, 565 (1857) ("[C]ases in equity are to be understood [as] suits in which relief is sought according to the principles and practice of the equity jurisdiction, as established in English jurisprudence"). The federal judicial power extends to "all cases, in law and equity, arising under [the] Constitution[,]" U.S. CONST. art. III, § 2, through which grant of authority "adopt[s] equitable remedies in all cases . . . where such remedies are appropriate." Paine Lumber Co. v. Neal, 244 U.S. 459, at 475 (1917). As Justice Scalia [LOL!] has explained, suits in equity to "enjoin unconstitutional actions by state and federal officers" are a judge-made remedy deeply rooted in American jurisprudence, reflecting "a long history of judicial review . . . , tracing tracing back to England [LOL!]." Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc., 575 U.S. 320, 327 (2015) (quoting Jaffe & Henderson, Judicial Review and the Rule of Law: Historical Origins, 72 L.Q. REV 345 (1956)).
Equitable remedies have a long been established as tools available to courts, predating the Constitution itself. See Irvine v. Marshall, 61 U.S. 558, 565 (1857) ("[C]ases in equity are to be understood [as] suits in which relief is sought according to the principles and practice of the equity jurisdiction, as established in English jurisprudence"). The federal judicial power extends to "all cases, in law and equity, arising under [the] Constitution[,]" U.S. CONST. art. III, § 2, through which grant of authority "adopt[s] equitable remedies in all cases . . . where such remedies are appropriate." Paine Lumber Co. v. Neal, 244 U.S. 459, at 475 (1917). As Justice Scalia [LOL!] has explained, suits in equity to "enjoin unconstitutional actions by state and federal officers" are a judge-made remedy deeply rooted in American jurisprudence, reflecting "a long history of judicial review . . . , tracing tracing back to England [LOL!]." Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc., 575 U.S. 320, 327 (2015) (quoting Jaffe & Henderson, Judicial Review and the Rule of Law: Historical Origins, 72 L.Q. REV 345 (1956)).
The exception "rests on the fiction . . . that because a sovereign state cannot commit an unconstitutional act, a state official enforcing an unconstitutional act is not acting for the sovereign state and therefore is not protected by the Eleventh Amendment." Okpalobi v. Foster, 244 F.3d 405, 411 (5th Cir. 2001). Because state officials lack sovereign immunity protection in a suit brought by the United States, this Court need not address whether their conduct falls within the Ex parte Young exception.40 Even so, the Supreme Court's reasoning for creating the Ex parte Young exception informs this Court's determination. The exception "is based in part on the premise that sovereign immunity bars relief against States and their officers in both state and federal courts, and that certain suits for declaratory or injunctive relief against state officers must therefore be permitted if the Constitution is to remain the supreme law of the land." Alden, 527 U.S. at 747. It is rooted in the "supreme authority of the United States." Young, 209 U.S. at 167. Lacking the protections of sovereign immunity, an injunction against the State also would run as to people who act as an arm of the state, such as state judicial officials like judges and court clerks. Given that it is the threat of S.B. 8 lawsuits that deters providers from offering abortion care services, see supra Section IV(B)(1)(a)(i), an injunction must halt existing S.B. lawsuits and prevent new suits from being maintained by the state judiciary. Even though private individuals file S.B. 8 lawsuits, the state judiciary plays a role in the lawsuits through several official actions including docketing, maintaining, hearing, and rendering relief in an S.B. 8 lawsuit.41 [...] Any argument that the State, through its judicial system and judges, is not involved in the enforcement of S.B. 8 lawsuits is contradicted by the plain language of the statute and by the reality of how state courts operate as an arm of the state to enforce the law, especially when the State has intentionally crafted a statute to employ private citizens[sic] as its proxy. Put simply, the State's participation in enforcing S.B. 8 lawsuits amounts to actionable state action. See Shelley, 334 U.S. at 18 ("[I]t has never been suggested that state court action is immunized from the operation of [the Fourteenth Amendment] simply because the act is that of the judicial branch of the state government."). [...] In Jackson, the Fifth Circuit's analysis of its appellate jurisdiction over a private individual who might sue under S.B. 8 hinged on the fact that the "connection between judges, clerks, and [the private individual are] impossible to miss." Jackson, 2021 WL 4128951, at *7. So much so that the Fifth Circuit determined that the private individual's "jurisdictional issues [under S.B. 8] are `inextricably intertwined' with the same issues in the State Defendants' appeal . . . ." Id. (quoting Swint v. Chambers Cty. Comm'n, 514 U.S. 35, 51 (1995)). S.B. 8 vests private individuals with the authority to enforce the statute, "a traditionally exclusive state power." (Mot. Prelim. Inj., Dkt. 8, at 40). The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court has himself described the statutory scheme as "unprecedented" and noted that it "delegated enforcement* . . . to the populace at large. . . . to insulate the State from responsibility for implementing and enforcing the regulatory regime." Jackson, 2021 WL 3910722, at *1 (Roberts, C.J., dissenting). As such, private individuals enforcing S.B. 8 are properly regarded as state actors. "Individuals suing under S.B. 8 are not suing `for violation of distinct legal duties owed' to them as individuals, but instead are suing `for violation of legal duties owed the public.'" (Mot. Prelim. Inj., Dkt. 8, at 40) (quoting Texas v. Dep't of Labor, 929 F.3d 205, 213 (5th Cir. 2019)).
Lacking the protections of sovereign immunity, an injunction against the State also would run as to people who act as an arm of the state, such as state judicial officials like judges and court clerks. Given that it is the threat of S.B. 8 lawsuits that deters providers from offering abortion care services, see supra Section IV(B)(1)(a)(i), an injunction must halt existing S.B. lawsuits and prevent new suits from being maintained by the state judiciary. Even though private individuals file S.B. 8 lawsuits, the state judiciary plays a role in the lawsuits through several official actions including docketing, maintaining, hearing, and rendering relief in an S.B. 8 lawsuit.41 [...] Any argument that the State, through its judicial system and judges, is not involved in the enforcement of S.B. 8 lawsuits is contradicted by the plain language of the statute and by the reality of how state courts operate as an arm of the state to enforce the law, especially when the State has intentionally crafted a statute to employ private citizens[sic] as its proxy. Put simply, the State's participation in enforcing S.B. 8 lawsuits amounts to actionable state action. See Shelley, 334 U.S. at 18 ("[I]t has never been suggested that state court action is immunized from the operation of [the Fourteenth Amendment] simply because the act is that of the judicial branch of the state government."). [...] In Jackson, the Fifth Circuit's analysis of its appellate jurisdiction over a private individual who might sue under S.B. 8 hinged on the fact that the "connection between judges, clerks, and [the private individual are] impossible to miss." Jackson, 2021 WL 4128951, at *7. So much so that the Fifth Circuit determined that the private individual's "jurisdictional issues [under S.B. 8] are `inextricably intertwined' with the same issues in the State Defendants' appeal . . . ." Id. (quoting Swint v. Chambers Cty. Comm'n, 514 U.S. 35, 51 (1995)). S.B. 8 vests private individuals with the authority to enforce the statute, "a traditionally exclusive state power." (Mot. Prelim. Inj., Dkt. 8, at 40). The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court has himself described the statutory scheme as "unprecedented" and noted that it "delegated enforcement* . . . to the populace at large. . . . to insulate the State from responsibility for implementing and enforcing the regulatory regime." Jackson, 2021 WL 3910722, at *1 (Roberts, C.J., dissenting).
As such, private individuals enforcing S.B. 8 are properly regarded as state actors. "Individuals suing under S.B. 8 are not suing `for violation of distinct legal duties owed' to them as individuals, but instead are suing `for violation of legal duties owed the public.'" (Mot. Prelim. Inj., Dkt. 8, at 40) (quoting Texas v. Dep't of Labor, 929 F.3d 205, 213 (5th Cir. 2019)).
Courts have characterized private parties as state actors where a state allows or is involved with conduct that would be unconstitutional should the state itself engage in that conduct.42 See also Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co., 500 U.S. 614, 621-22 (1991) ("Our precedents establish that, in determining whether a particular action or course of conduct is governmental in character, it is relevant to examine the following: the extent to which the actor relies on governmental assistance and benefits; whether the actor is performing a traditional governmental function; and whether the injury caused is aggravated in a unique way by the incidents of governmental authority.") (internal citations omitted). Apt is Shelley, a 1948 case brought by the Kraemers, a white couple, against the Shelleys, a Black couple, to stop the Shelleys from moving into the house they had just purchased in a St. Louis neighborhood.43 334 U.S. at 4-6. The Kraemers sought to enforce the terms of a restrictive covenant that specifically excluded Blacks from occupying the property.
House Bill 454, as the law is officially known, would bar a dilation and evacuation procedure -- the country's most common method for abortion of a fetus in the second trimester [TRUE] -- unless that fetus is already dead.[FALSE]
After the Sixth Circuit affirmed an injunction for the clinic, the [KY] health secretary appointed by U.S. District Judge Joseph [eh?] opted to drop further appeal. Rather than late the case die, however, [AG Daniel] Cameron in turn moved to intervene.What is the question? Whether a state attorney general vested with the power to defend state law should be permitted to intervene after a federal court of appeals invalidates a state statute when no other state actor will defend the law. And if so, whether the Court should vacate the judgment below and remand for further consideration in light of June Medical."EMW ignores that the Attorney General moved to intervene in his capacity as the Commonwealth of Kentucky's chosen agent to represent its sovereign interests in court," Cameron argues in a reply brief. The justices granted [KY] certiorari in March [2021], amid several other abortion-related case[s] that have been moving through the appellate courts simultaneously. Back in [] June [2020], the Supreme Court voted 5-4 to strike down another strict Louisiana abortion law in the case June Medical Services LLC v. Russo.Breyer, J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined. Roberts, C. J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment. Thomas, J., filed a dissenting opinion. Scalito, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Gorsuch, J., joined, in which Thomas, J., joined except as to Parts III-C and IV-F, and in which Kavanaugh, J., joined as to Parts I, II, and III. Gorsuch, J., and Kavanaugh, J., filed dissenting opinions.
What is the question? Whether a state attorney general vested with the power to defend state law should be permitted to intervene after a federal court of appeals invalidates a state statute when no other state actor will defend the law. And if so, whether the Court should vacate the judgment below and remand for further consideration in light of June Medical.
The justices granted [KY] certiorari in March [2021], amid several other abortion-related case[s] that have been moving through the appellate courts simultaneously. Back in [] June [2020], the Supreme Court voted 5-4 to strike down another strict Louisiana abortion law in the case June Medical Services LLC v. Russo.
Breyer, J., announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan, JJ., joined. Roberts, C. J., filed an opinion concurring in the judgment. Thomas, J., filed a dissenting opinion. Scalito, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Gorsuch, J., joined, in which Thomas, J., joined except as to Parts III-C and IV-F, and in which Kavanaugh, J., joined as to Parts I, II, and III. Gorsuch, J., and Kavanaugh, J., filed dissenting opinions.
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to tackle state-sovereignty claim that Kentucky's attorney general is wielding to all but ban abortions after 15 weeks. [...] These [regulatory] issues* did not even register Tuesday at oral arguments, where the court focused instead on the ["]technical matter["] of whether the attorney general, a separately elected [BWAH!] office [of We the People], has the authority [BWAH!]to appeal in place of the state's [appointed] secretary of health [laws enacted by KY legislature?]. Due to a change in political administrations, the secretary is now a Democrat and has opted not to fight an injunction against HB 454 upheld by the Sixth Circuit.
"Why would we call it an abuse of discretion for a court of appeals, after it rendered its judgment, to say we don't really care what has happened in the political arena," Justice Sonia SOTOMAYOR grilled a deputy state solicitor general. "We don't want to be dragged into it. You agree to be bound by this judgment. You didn't appeal [US District, US 6th Cir., even though you were a party. Are you telling me you're now willing to waive the sovereign immunity of the state? Because that's what it sounds like."
Justice [Anti-RBG] asked why the petitioner didn't just intervene on behalf of the state -- a move that would have waived the state sovereign immunity. "We wouldn't be even having this discussion if you had intervened on behalf of Kentucky," the Trump appointee [?] [KY Deputy Solicitor General Matthew Kuhn] said. [...] BREYER pushed [ACLU attorney Alexa Kolbi-]Molinas on why Cameron could not defend the law. "The Sixth Circuit says this is unconstitutional, and somebody could have filed a defendant motion for rehearing, and then they could have tried to come here," Breyer said. "But the secretary of state said I'm not going to do that because there had been a political party change. And so at that point, the attorney general says well ... nobody's going to defend this so I better. Is that what happened? Am I totally wrong?"
"The Sixth Circuit says this is unconstitutional, and somebody could have filed a defendant motion for rehearing, and then they could have tried to come here," Breyer said. "But the secretary of state said I'm not going to do that because there had been a political party change. And so at that point, the attorney general says well ... nobody's going to defend this so I better. Is that what happened? Am I totally wrong?"
archived I cannot overstate how utterly irrelevant and ill-conceived this "issue"
So Nabakov.
Now: Texas's 6-week abortion ban law, SB 8, is in effect again for now -- the 5th Circuit has granted a temporary, administrative stay of this week's preliminary injunction (which halted enforcement of SB 8) to consider the state's request for a longer stay pending appeal pic.twitter.com/wdTIH5emjm— Zoe Tillman (@ZoeTillman) October 9, 2021
Now: Texas's 6-week abortion ban law, SB 8, is in effect again for now -- the 5th Circuit has granted a temporary, administrative stay of this week's preliminary injunction (which halted enforcement of SB 8) to consider the state's request for a longer stay pending appeal pic.twitter.com/wdTIH5emjm
Republican Texas Governor Greg Abbott, responding to what he called "bullying" by the Biden Administration, on Monday barred all COVID-19 vaccine mandates in the state by any entity, including private employers.
"In another instance of federal overreach, the Biden Administration is now bullying many private entities into imposing COVID-19 vaccine mandates, causing workforce disruptions that threaten Texas' continued recovery from the COVID-19 disaster," Abbott said in an executive order. The White House had no immediate comment. Abbott's order states that "no entity in Texas" could compel proof of vaccination by any individual, including employees or customers. He called on state lawmakers to take up the issue in an upcoming special session.
The White House had no immediate comment.
Abbott's order states that "no entity in Texas" could compel proof of vaccination by any individual, including employees or customers. He called on state lawmakers to take up the issue in an upcoming special session.
The Southwest Airlines Pilots Association's filing Friday also asked for an immediate hearing on the request before a federal court in Dallas, claiming the carrier has continued to take unilateral actions that violate terms of the Railway Labor Act, which governs airline-union relations. Those steps include the Covid-19 vaccination requirement.
"The new vaccine mandate unlawfully imposes new conditions of employment and the new policy threatens termination of any pilot not fully vaccinated by December 8, 2021," the legal filing said. "Southwest Airlines' additional new and unilateral modification of the parties' collective bargaining agreement is in clear violation of the RLA."
The airline blamed air traffic control issues and weather in Florida on Friday, saying the ripple effects put planes and employees out of place, and it had too few reserves [!] to pick up the slack....Southwest and its pilots union have steadfastly denied that workers walked off the job to protest a federal vaccine mandate. (The pilots sued the airline to stop the mandate.)
"The fact is the Florida weather on Friday and unexpected ATC issues on Friday night resulted in delays and cancellations across our network, and it just got us behind." [...] "They were just caught in a perfect storm," [Jon Jager aviation analyst] said, citing staffing levels [!], weather and flight crews running out of time because of the delays and cancellations. Pilots and flight attendants are only allowed to work a certain number of hours per day due to [union] contract[s] and government rules.
U.S. Northern District Justice David Hurd of Utica granted a preliminary injunction temporarily barring New York state and employers from enforcing the COVID-19 vaccine mandate against medical workers claiming a ["]legitimate religious exemption["]. Last month, Hurd issued a temporary restraining order blocking enforcement of the mandate in relation to ["]religious beliefs["].
audio (EN)
static map of Art. III jurisdiction ("parts" of the whole) color coded federal appellate ("circuit") territories, bf numeral; NB: state and federal judicial hierarchies are distinct, ie. a state's Supreme Ct. is not a "part" of Art. III; similarly, Art. I administrative law courts' jurisdictions (not shown) are limited to adjudicating procedural disputes (APA) between entitled "persons" and each fed agency's execution of regulations, delegated to them by the odious. An Art.I court may or may not refer a litigant to an inferior Art.III court. POP QUIZ! Locate US NDNY archived Can [JEAN] really do that?
Federal prosecutors indicted [Robert Dear, domestic trrst? "Hate crime" perp?] in 2019, but it remains to be seen whether he will be found mentally fit to stand trial.If convicted, Dear faces a minimum penalty of 10 years in prison, and a maximum penalty of death, although federal prosecutors have yet to confirm if they will seek the death penalty. Several victims of the incident sued Planned Parenthood in 2016. The case remains pending before Judge. Christopher Jay Baumann in the Denver County District Court.
If convicted, Dear faces a minimum penalty of 10 years in prison, and a maximum penalty of death, although federal prosecutors have yet to confirm if they will seek the death penalty. Several victims of the incident sued Planned Parenthood in 2016. The case remains pending before Judge. Christopher Jay Baumann in the Denver County District Court.
Five people sued Planned Parenthood [?!] in 2016, including Samantha Wagner whom Dear shot in the parking lot, along with her friends. A Colorado judge initially granted summary judgment in favor of Planned Parenthood, but the Colorado Court of Appeals reversed in February 2019, and the state Supreme Court affirmed."state actors" v "private persons": "How do you know that? I think that's a fact question," [SCOTX Justice Richard] Gabriel said. "If there was an armed guard watching this on a security monitory, couldn't that have saved lives?""Neither the FBI nor the Colorado Bureau of Investigation nor the National Security Administration [NSA] nor the Colorado Springs Police knew about Dear," Taylor said. "Not even his girlfriend knew what he was going to do."
"state actors" v "private persons": "How do you know that? I think that's a fact question," [SCOTX Justice Richard] Gabriel said. "If there was an armed guard watching this on a security monitory, couldn't that have saved lives?"
archived Magic Merrick POISED to reverse Trump Obama "policy"
Southwest Airlines and American Airlines are among the carriers that are federal contractors and subject to a Biden administration requirement that their employees are vaccinated against Covid-19 by Dec. 8 unless they are exempt for medical or religious reasons. [...] Southwest's senior vice president of operations and hospitality, Steve Goldberg, and Julie Weber, vice president and chief people officer, wrote to staff on Friday that if employees' requests for an exemption haven't been approved by Dec. 8, they could continue to work while following mask and distancing guidelines until the request has been reviewed.
Lawsuits say school districts created a `snake pit' by ignoring coronavirus safety measures recommended by health officials
Poverty ...
Serious financial problems afflict 40% of US households in recent months
The survey by NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Harvard TH Chan School of Public Health also showed that in those last few months, as the US struggled to contain the infectious Delta coronavirus variant, the percentage of households reporting serious financial problems rose to 59% when they had an income under $50,000 a year. 'Sapere aude'
GA 40
I mention, because I can't shake the idea that people who don't live in USA have a clue to whom they are dealing.
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