The Rise of the German Right

by nanne Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:54:09 AM EST

Even though the elections in two States in Germany past Sunday could still result in the return of two red-red governments, the big story has been the electoral gains of the neonazi NPD.

The NPD has entered the State government in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, and several local district councils in Berlin.

(From my blog. Slight editing to reflect post-election view)

from the diaries. - Jérôme

During the campaign, the Hauptstadtblog asked what is to be done about the NPD's election posters here (de). Should they be ignored, or should they be discussed? But this question is bigger. What can be done about the NPD?

In the Netherlands, a somewhat less criminal far-right party called the Centre Democrats was succesfully isolated and cast out of the electoral system. The strategy taken for this was twofold: isolation of the party in the sense of no discussion on content, but also an active and ongoing argument against the social acceptability of the party's existence.

On the other hand, in Belgium the so-called 'cordon sanitaire' against the far-right Vlaams Blok is a complete failure, giving them ever greater electoral gains, and the legal steps against the movement have triggered little other than getting it to change its name (into Vlaams Belang).

The difference is that the Vlaams Blok is addressing a theme which is not being dealt with in Belgian politics - the disparate economic development of the Dutch and French speaking parts. A similar situation exists in Italy and fuels the support of the Lega Nord.

Another difference is that the leader of the CD in the Netherlands - Janmaat - was as thoroughly uncharismatic as a politician can get, and his demise was accomponied by a more restrictive take on immigration in the right-liberal VVD party at the time.

In Germany, there is a large suspicion that the NPD is behind a string of racist attacks and other brown-shirt tactics, or at least accommodates these. If sufficient evidence can be gathered, declaring the party a criminal organisation and breaking it up is a strong option. But even if this is done, a more explicit tactic to deal with a lot of other far-right parties will be needed.

Any ideas?

The Rise of the German Right | 14 comments (14 topical, 0 editorial, 0 hidden)

Re: The Rise of the German Right (4.00 / 3)

Tricky question. And I don;t have an answer. I read Frank Schirrmacher (de) in the faz.

Wir wissen, daß zwölf Prozent der unter 30jährigen und sieben Prozent der 30- bis 44jährigen die NPD gewählt haben. Mit 17 Prozent, so das Institut ,,infratest-dimap", sei die NPD bei den 18- bis 24jährigen fast neunmal so stark wie bei den über 60jährigen gewesen. Aber noch auffälliger ist ein anderer Wert: Nur vier Prozent der Frauen haben NPD gewählt, aber zehn Prozent der Männer. ...

We know the fact that twelve per cent of those under 30 and seven percent of the 30 to 44 voted NPD. According to the market research Institut ,,infratest dimap ", 18 - to 24 voted nearly nine times more than people above 60. But another value is still more remarkable: NPD was chosen by only four per cent of the women, but ten per cent of the men. ...

Seit 1995 haben vor allem junge Frauen die neuen Bundesländer verlassen - unter den 1,5 Millionen Menschen, die in den Westen gingen, waren überdurchschnittlich viele 18- bis 29jährige Frauen. ,,Die zurückbleibenden Männer", so das Berlin Institut für Bevölkerungsentwicklung, ,,sind häufig gering qualifziert und arbeitslos. Dieser Umstand beschleunigt den Bevölkerungsschwund noch. Denn Männer am sozial unteren Ende des Heiratsmarktes finden, statistisch gesehen, selten eine Partnerin zur Familiengründung." ...

Since 1995 especially young women left the new East - among the 1.5 million, who went into the west, an above average number were female between 18 and 29jährige women. ,,The men staying behind", so Berlin Institut for population trends, ,,are frequently less qualified and unemployed. This accelerates the population decrease. Because men at the socially lower end of the marriage market find, statistically seen, rarely a partner for establishment of family. "...

Auf einhundert Männer im Alter zwischen 20 und 35 Jahren kommen dort nur noch 74 Frauen. ... in unzähligen Dörfern junge arbeitslose Männer mit zurückgebliebenen alten Menschen zusammenleben, nicht nur ohne Aussicht auf Arbeit, sondern auch ohne Aussicht auf eine Partnerin. ...

For hundred men between age 20 and 35 there only 74 women come. ... in innumerable villages young unemployed men live with older people left behind together, not only without chance for work, but also without prospect of finding a Partner. ...

die Attraktivität männerbündischer Lebensformen durch die Abwesenheit von Partnerinnen - oder auch nur der Möglichkeit, eine zu finden - steigt. Aggressivität, Gewaltbereitschaft, Mitleidlosigkeit sind vorherrschende Kennzeichen dieser Milieus, soziale Auffälligkeiten, bei denen unsere Institutionen versagen, weil sie sich auch nicht mehr durch wirtschaftliche Alimentierung regulieren lassen. Je mehr heiratsfähige Männer aus sozialen Gründen daran gehindert werden zu heiraten, weil es die Frauen dazu entweder nicht gibt oder von denen, die es gibt, keine die Zurückgebliebenen haben will, desto mehr Testosteron zirkuliert. ...

the attractiveness of male-oriented ways of life rises by the absence of a female partner - or also only the possibility of finding one. Aggressiveness, readiness for violence, compassionlessness are prevailing characteristics of these environments, social remarkablenesses, with which our institutions fail, because they (the young men) cannot be adjusted through economic alimony. The more marriagable men are prevented to marry for social reasons, because there are not enough women in addition - the more Testosteron circulates. ...

Ihr bedrohliches Potential widersteht fast allen sozialtherapeutischen Maßnahmen. ...

Their threatening potential resists nearly all socialtherapeutic measures. ...

Der Traum der alten Bundesrepublik, daß wir heilen können, was politisch-extremistisch entsteht, ist ausgeträumt. Wir können nicht heilen.

The dream of the old Federal Republic that we can heal, what develops as political extremism is over. We cannot heal.

Now I am not sure I can agree with him on the conclusion of the articles, after all the reason why all the women move away is because there is no work. Creating jobs, might be an alternative, good old structural development and not simply trusting the forces of the market. I also disagree with him that political extremism is here to stay. But then he is writing for the FAZ...

by PeWi on Wed Sep 20th, 2006 at 08:45:25 PM EST

Re: The Rise of the German Right (4.00 / 3)

I have to agree with you there. Jobs and development assistance are crucial. It's noticeable here in the UK that the BNP has thrived best in areas where little reconstruction funding was put in after the decline of various industries.

There are those who question this correlation, as though I suggest the more prosperous cannot be racist. The key to understand is that prosperity generallly reduces the level of racial violence (and by side-effect the level of violence it is acceptable to vote for.)

I would also personally consider that is important not to hide away from the topics this party brings up. I never had big problems in Germany, but there were little signs of tensions with the Turkish community in particular. All of these things need more discussion because (IMO) we would not want this party to become a pseudo-acceptable "protest vote" the way Le Pen has.

by Metatone (metatone [a|t] gmail (dot) com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 03:53:42 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 1)

Yes, this is a case where I would agree with the analysis but disagree with the conclusions. Just letting the wound fester, so to speak, is not an option.

Jobs and a kind of economic development that creates jobs is crucial. Since the support is strongest in the regions bordering Poland, more cross-border cooperation and exchange would be a good idea.

Still, social programs also have their place, and this (taz) is definitely not the way to respond.

Short English summary: Funds for local outreach programmes against right-wing attacks are being cut by the German federal government in favour of a federal program called "youth for diversity, tolerance and democracy".

Quote:

Die Bundestagsfraktionen von Linkspartei und Grünen haben unterdessen die neue Ausrichtung der Bundesprogramme gegen Rechtsextremismus scharf kritisiert. Es sei falsch, nur die Kommunen zu Trägern antifaschistischer Projekte zu machen, erklärte die innenpolitische Sprecherin der Linksfraktion, Ulla Jelpke. In vielen Städten seien es gerade örtliche Amtsträger, die die rechtsextreme Szene vor Ort nicht wahrhaben wollten. CDU-Generalsekretär Ronald Pofalla sagte hingegen, angesichts der Wahlerfolge der NPD stelle sich die Frage, ob die Programme die gewünschte Wirkung gehabt hätten. Das wiederum stieß auf Kritik bei den von den Kürzungen bedrohten Projekten. ,,Wenn die Kriminalität steigt, käme niemand auf die Idee, weniger Polizei zu fordern", entgegnete Bianca Klose.

Meanwhile, the new direction of the federal programs against right-wing extremism has been sharply criticised by the factions of the Linkspartei and the Greens. According to Ulla Jepke, the speaker for the Linkspartei faction on domestic affairs, it would be wrong to let the local authorities carry the antifascist projects alone. According to her, in many cities it is precisely the local authorities who disavow the local right-wing scene. Secretary-General of the CDU Ronald Pofalla, however, said that in the face of the electoral success of the NDP the question could be asked if the programs had the desired effect. That again met with criticism from the programs threatened with cuts. "When criminality rises, nobody would come to the idea to support less police", Bianca Klose countered.

by nanne (zwaerdenmaecker@gmail.com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:41:40 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (4.00 / 2)

One thing that distinguishes the Vlaams Block and the Lega Nord from the Dutch CD and the NPD is that the former are wealthy sparatists and the latter are plain xenophobic. A "sanitary cordon" around an extreme right party which happens to be separatist strengthens the party because it plays into the separatist rhetoric, and end up being counter-productive to defeating the extreme-right rhetoric.

If there are real social issues underlying the rise of the NPD, breaking it up as a criminal organisation is not a long-term solution. Look at ETA's political branch and its successive reincarnations (HB, EH, Batasuna, the latter continuing to operate despite being illegal since 2002).

(Cue in PeWi's comment and Metatone's reply below...)

Those whom the Gods wish to destroy They first make mad. — Euripides

by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 03:56:29 AM EST

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

'Vlaams Blok' is now 'Vlaams Belang'(Flemish Interest)
It is a wealthy party because of the Belgian system of political party financing. This system is related to the number of votes you get in the national elections.
'Vlaams Belang' is not a party of wealthy people. Their big man, almost all of them started in their youth as ultra-right-wing streetfighters.
Their most known slogan is "Eigen volk eerst" (own people first): they are plain xenophobic.
On 8 oct. there are muncipal elections in Belgium and this is the big question: will this fascistoid party still grow? By tomorrow I'll have a diary about it.

The struggle of man against tyranny is the struggle of memory against forgetting.(Kundera)

by Elco B (elcob at scarlet dot be) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 04:25:58 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

I was under the impression that the fact [maybe not such] that Flanders is wealthier than Wallonia is one of the driving forces of the Flemish independence movement.

A party whose platform prominently includes separation from Belgium and closer ties with the Netherlands is not plain xenophobic, it's separatist. Which was my point: if the party's base feel alienated enough to want to separate and you put a cordon around them, you only increase the determination of the base, and the power of conviction of their separatist rationale to sway moderates in their direction.

Those whom the Gods wish to destroy They first make mad. — Euripides

by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 04:35:15 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

Yes indeed, they are separatist. But this is not the issue they get votes for. The party became big on a plain xenophobic and racist agenda.
Flanders has other natonalist party's, and the demand for more own power lives in all Flemish political formations
Belgium is a federal state, it took 40 years to build what we have now. There is a Flemish government, and a Walloon, and a Brussels.
Every region has autonomy in many area's and this will expand in the future as every politcal party in Belgium has demands in that area.
The cordon: this excludes 'Vlaams Belang' from executive polital power. This works on every level, regional and local. This means 80% of the voters support partys that refuses to cooperate with the 'Vlaams Belang'
This cordon was agreed because of the xenophoob and racist agenda of the 'Vl.B'. Separatisme has nothing to do with it.
As for closer ties with The Netherlands: nobody there even want to talk with the 'Vl.B' Here in Flanders this is not an issue at all, even not for the 'Vl.B)

The struggle of man against tyranny is the struggle of memory against forgetting.(Kundera)

by Elco B (elcob at scarlet dot be) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:12:15 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

This cordon was agreed because of the xenophoob and racist agenda of the 'Vl.B'. Separatisme has nothing to do with it.

That is exactly what I'm saying.

I am also saying that if the cordon fails to weaken the party, it might be because it's not only a xenophobic party.

Those whom the Gods wish to destroy They first make mad. — Euripides

by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:15:16 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

Yes! Write, it will be interesting. If more and more parties in Flanders cover some of the seperatist territory that Vlaams Belang does, perhaps they will lose some support.

('Eigen Volk Eerst' was also a CD slogan IIRC. That and 'Vol=Vol')

by nanne (zwaerdenmaecker@gmail.com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:47:32 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

Maybe a diary on the Flemish political spectrum (sort of like this one) would be instructive and help me clear my misunderstandings. Specifically, I was under the impression that the Vlaams Belang and its predecessor the Vlaams Block did not invent separatism in Flanders and are rather an extreme outgrowth of mainstream nationalism which has existed for decades.

Those whom the Gods wish to destroy They first make mad. — Euripides

by Carrie (migeru at eurotrib dot com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 05:59:17 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 1)

ok, working on it.

The struggle of man against tyranny is the struggle of memory against forgetting.(Kundera)

by Elco B (elcob at scarlet dot be) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 06:51:50 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

THANK YOU, for writing this article!! (I was really hoping someone would, because the topic is quite disturbing...).

Recommend!!

"Once in awhile we get shown the light, in the strangest of places, if we look at it right" - Hunter/Garcia

by whataboutbob on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 04:25:13 AM EST

Re: The Rise of the German Right (none / 0)

You're welcome and thanks :-)

by nanne (zwaerdenmaecker@gmail.com) on Thu Sep 21st, 2006 at 09:10:39 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Presseschau (none / 0)